' VOL. II.—No. 12.

 '/

 

CONTENTS OF THIS N0.

Mechanics of Ireland, the Real Owners of the Irish Soil——
Answers to Correspondents--Fragments of an Exile’s
Thoughts—Another Triumph of the Galway Line.

LITERATURE. -—Home Scenes.

-»

NEW YORK, SATURDAY, FEBRUARY 18, 1860.

PRICE 4 Cums.

istic to England’s policy, that we can hardly be satisﬁed with
the state of things under which Vve live. The English Press is

"EDITORIAL-—T° our Bl'°lhel'5’*T° the Small Tenant Farmers’ accordingly set on to bully us into protestations that no such
and the Big Tenant Farmers, the Tradesmen, Laborers and argument Strikes upon om. own mind.

It is calculated that by
a due amount of roaring from the infurate bigots, at what they
call “ disloyalty,” our people—with the instincts slaves not long
enough emancipated to feel freedom as a right, not a merciful tol-
eration—will drop on their knees, beat their breasts and protest
vehemently they love the scourging hand. This trick of intimi-
dation has not been detected until some mischief had been done,

MisCzLi.ANnoUs.—Irish News--Marriages and Deaths-~European and the bigots enabled to laugh at us. They’ consequently, bo.

News-—John Mitchell’s Letters «How the Political Pulse
Beats in Europe——The Wealth of the Ancients, &c., &c.

H0 IV, THE POLITICAL PULSE BEATS IN EUROPE. '
There has been a great hub bub raised by the press in Ire‘ and
and England. The Cork Examiner is straining many points to
prove that the Irish people should, could and would not hiss the
name of the Queen. The Examiner ﬁrst urges that she is only
nominally the head of the government, and here adds:

“But there is another and a far more conclusive reason with
Irishmen. than one resting upon constitutional distinctions,-
namely, the exalted personal character of the Sovereign, who——
very different indeed from many of her predecess0rs—’is a model
of womanly and domestic virtues, and whose example is one of
priceless value to her subjects of all classes. A corrupt or li-
bentious court is a curse to a country, even to an age ; for its
poison pervades every class and grade of society, and imparts
its baleful inﬂuence to the manners and to the literature or the
-day. But a virtuous and well-ordered court—-such as that of
'-Her Majesty Queen Victoria—is not only an example of propri-
-ety of conduct and decency of manners to all ranks, from the
highest to the lowest, but a check upon that lisense which isthe
offspring of wealth, luxury, idleness, and a reckless pursuit of
:plea.sure. Any one, then, who offers an insult to the Queen,
whose chcracter is so worthy of respect and admiration, is guilty
- of an unmanly outrage, putting aside altogether the gross im-
‘propriety of exhibiting disrespect to the person and authority of
'tne Sovereign. A minister is a fair mark for odium, if oriium

he deserve; but the Queen should be above the reach of insult. ‘

"vWe shall only, as Catholics, make this assertion in conclusion,-
that loyality to the institutions of one’s own country, whether
those institutions be those of a Republic a Free Monarchy, or a
Despotism, is perfectly consistent with the utmost devotion to
«the interests, the honor, and the independence of the Holy See.”
Nobody thanks the Queen for being virtuous~that is her own
:;.private business. We hope there are as many.._ladies in Cork
fully as exemplary and virtuous as Her Majesty or any one be-
longing to her. It is all nonsense to ay that the Queen is not
‘responsible for the acts of her ministry. Who else is? She ap-
points and dismisses them, and must be, to some extent, held
"responsible for their misdeed-. God help the poor Irish ﬂunkies.
‘They have a hard game to play in trying to be true to Ireland
and loyal to the throne which presses so heavily on their ‘country.
The European troubles are telling on the constitution of the
British cabinet which is getting somewhat shaky- The London
Morning News says: We have received from a reliable source
the information that a serious split exists at this moment in the
‘Whig Cabinet, which, with characterestic virulence, Lord John
:-Russell is striving to force into a dangerous Anti-Catholic policy
with regerd to Italy. We are told that the breach between the
Foreign Secretary and the Premier is wider and deeper than is
admitted by those who are in the interest of the Administration
—in short. that the Government is breaking up on foreign af-
fairs. Lord John Russell has not attended the two last Cabinet
-*Councils, and though a ‘ severe cold” is given as thecause of

his absence, our informant, who has very good means of infor- '

‘mation, assures us that the true cause is a serious dissension be-
tween the noble Lord and his Chief as to the position to be
taken up by England in relation to Central Italy in the Con-
gross.

I Of course this information, which we give upon good authori-
ty, must be received with caution ; ﬁrst, because reports of cabi-
net differences always abound in the month previous to the
opening of the Session ; and secondly, because to all ap earance,

_-Lord Palmerston is, if possible. still more Anti-Cath 1c in his -

feelings and in his foreign policy than Lord John Russell.
The John Bull thus discourses on the same subject :-
DISSENSIOXS IN THE CABINET.

The dissensions which we described last week as existing in the
'Cabinet have but very imperfectly terminated. To such an ex-
r-tent had they progressed at one time, that a few days ago the
Duke of Newcastle, Mr. Gladstone, Mr. Sidney Herbert, and Mr.
Cardwell, had actually given in their resignations. We believe
it is even now doubtful how far Mr. Gladstone is to be consider-
-ed a member of the Palmerston Cabinet. After a fashion, how-
- ever the conﬂictiug opinions in the ministry have managed
to adjourn their antagonism, and we believe that the only way
‘way in which this object could be effected was by determining
»on the production of no less f an ﬁve different bills, each pre-
senting its allotted portion 0 the great reform measure. We
presume that the object to be attained by this spliting up the
unfortunate reform bill, is that some one or two of the compo-
zient measures may be treated as open questions, and thus that
Mr. Gladstone and his friends, if they and the Russell section
cannot agree in the mininum qualiﬁcation for a borough vote
may at least agree to differ on that point without making ship-
wreck of the other provisions of the plan, or compelling the ad-
zninistration to abandon oﬂice.

At the recent meetings, held in Ireland, to express sympathy
with the Pope, loyal clergymen and some of the Castle place
oeggars, gave expression ‘ sentiments of attachment to the
monarchy and institutions of England which never con ﬁnd an
echo in the Irish heart, and will always be reprobated by every
.true patriot. On this subject we ﬁnd the following article in the
Dublin Nation .'

“IN ARTIFICE or run ENEMY.”

We note an adroit attempt being made to bully or entrap the
‘Irish Catholics into converting the meetings of sympathy for the
Pope into meetings of sympathy f'or the English Government.
It is time to cry beware, and to expose and protest against this
proceeding. Sympathy for the Holy Father has necessarilly ac-
tually, logically, and nationally more of antagonism than of
kinship with love or admiration for England, or for anything
belonging to England, from the days of Queen Elizabeth to
Queen Victoria, both Queens inclusive. This is simply a patent
act. England hates the Pope, curses the Pope, plots against
the Pope, shelters his enemies. puts daggers into their hands
and gold into their pockets. Now England begins to fear lest
Europe should argue from these utterances of ours, so antagon-

lieve there is a sovereign virtue in truculent abuse ; they believe
that it frightens us into protestations which it would be a flag-
rant insult to any other people on the globe to demand of
them. “Now, indeed, their Papal meetings may go on,” the
English Protestants’ rejoicing ejaculate; “we have ﬂogged them
into not daring to say one word for the Head of their own
Church, without saying two for the head of ours.” Since this
artful division has begun to tell. livered officials and place-ex-
pectants have begun to show at the meetings, not. however, in
reality, to do the work or to speak the sentiments of Catholici-
ty so much as to serve the ends of English governmen_t——that
incarnation of malignity to the Catholic Church and the Holy
See. It relieves them from the dilemma of openly taking sides
(by their absence) against the Pope, while it enables them to
plead with the Castle in mitigation of the crime of attendance at
such meetings, that they had turned them to such good account
for England. Thus it is that at most of the meetings which have
lately been held, we find the glorious British Constitution led
in before the people, who did not expect to meet with it on the
occasion, and profound homage rendered thereunto. Now, this
apart from its other grounds of complaint we hold to be a most
unfair proceeding, and its unfairness is much increased by the
f'act, that inasmuch as many of those meeting have been held
within the precincts of Catholic Churches andin presence of the
altar, the people have not considered themselves free to express
that dissent from, and disapproval of the political opinions of
those speakers, which. beyond question they in many cases
strongly felt. Those speeches, with their pro-British inlaying,
have gone forth to the public as if they embodied the sentiments
of the audiences to whom they were addressed, though the fact
is that nine-tenths of thepeople assembled on those occasions
would, if appealed to on the question, indignant] y repudiate the
passages which attributed to them any particular attachment or
affection for the government of England. What we have to
complain of is, that the public are invited to those meetings for
the purpose of expressing Sympathy with his Holiness the Pope, and
when assembled ﬁnd themselves placed in the position of ex-
pressing symparhy with Queen Vcitoria and her government in Ire-
land. If they venture to express their disapproval of the hol-
low fiunkeyism spouted by some Whig place expectant from the
platform, “ confusion is created, and the scene occuring within
the walls of a consec'ated building becomes painful.
desires, or ought to desire, that anything in the slightest degree
contrary to loyalty shall receive expression, at those meetings
by mooting subjects foreign to their object and calculated to be
at varience with the general sentiment. Now. without entering
on any argument ro or con, we all know that the mass of the
Irish people woul not risk their lives and fortunes for any sen-
timent of attachment to the English Crown.
the fact otherwise; but that is not to the purpose now. The
question is one of simple fact and not one of policy. It was for
a shilling a-day, and no from love of 1690, that our poor fol-
lows poured their blood on those “ battle-fields” so much talked
. about. It is from drunkenness. or destitution they seek
the crimp, and not because of a glowing love for “the House of
Hanover, being Protestant.” Our people are not trurbulent or
anarchical ; they are law-respecting and peaceable. loyal to the
principle of order, and obedient to the authority of justice. It
is not their fault. but the crime of the English Government,
, that, after seven hundred years, the measures have yet to be in-
itiated that could for a moment attract from them any other
feeling than that obedience which the laws of their Church, the
interests of soéiety, and the dictates of common sense to all de
facto government demand.”

The Nation should tell the people that when any one dares to
introduce anything laudatory of the Government. that has pil-
laged the country, slaughtered and dispersed the Irish people,
should be met" with a storm of hisses, hooted down and branded
‘ as an enemy to Ireland.

The Times, calculating on the probability of Louis Napoleon
getting himself involved in the Italian difficulty, distributes
some crumbs of comfort to their august ally af'ter the following
fashion. The Time: knows well that England’s turn must sooner
or later come, and of course the magnanimous liberty-loving,
civilizing and piratical great Briton will afford the Emperor
the same kind of aid, in any quarrel in which he may be engag-
ed, that they gave to his uncle. We must keep a sharp lookout;
for squalls 2-

“ Under these circumstances Na oleon III. naturally looks
with anxiety to England. Will Eng‘ and iihdertake to help him
to guarantee the soil of Italy from the tread of foreign soldiery?
We think we can answer the question. It is the best service
that can be done to the Emperor, now that he is in a dilemma
of which We have oftentimes and long ago warned him, to tell
him candidly what he has to hope from this country. There are
many matters of high import which depend upon the Ministers
of the day, but matters of the very highest are decided by the
general popular. will. As Tacitus said of our German ancestors,
so it is with their descendants—“De minorxbus rebus principeg con-
sultant, de majoribus omnes.” If we know anything of the senti-
ments of our countrymen, nothing is more certain than that this
nation would not endure any Ministry which should propose to-
pledge England to an offensive alliance with France against the
rest of Europe. We wish well to Italy, but we “do not go to
war for an idea.” If we did we should prefer to do so upon our
own policy, and with conﬁdence in our own right. If we did so
we should, moreover, prefer to have some control over our own
position and some conﬁdence that our "allies would ﬁght the
whole ﬁght out with us, and not make peace at inconvenient
seasons. If we did so we should like to go into it unfettered by
any such engagements as might compel us, perhaps, to look on
with approval while our ally pushed on an army to the Rhine
and to submit hopelessly while he made a compact for the dis:
memberment of the East. It is a very generous part which Na-
poleon has assumed, but, as the barbarous civil law says -—“Qu.'
ca it azivanﬁagia capiat etiam disadvrmtagia.” To him be, all the
g cry, but to him also be the labour. It is his idea, not ours.-—
ltis an engagement which he has undertaken for himself, under
no encouragement from us. It is not for us, at this moment to
imitate a conduct which we have persistently condemned it is
not for us to play the part of Sardinia, without Sardinia’s excuse,
We will honor, glorify, sympathize, admire, but in this quarrel
and under these conditions, we will not ﬁght.” | ’

No one 1

Many may wish '

France is spreading her net widely for a future haul._ The
coast of England is not the only vulnerable point of the British
empiro——the only assailable spot through which a death blow can
be dealt at the freebooter. There is a tremor and a terror in
every joint of herhuge body politic. The invasion panic has
seized upon the English in India and they now dread an enemy
greater than Nena Sahib. Thus writes a correspondent of the
London_Press from Bombay :—

“The alarming news brought from ‘England by the last two
or three mails regarding the probability of a war with France,
has caused a good deal of anxiety to be felt in India on account
of the defenceless condition of our coasts and harbours, The
great increase of French ships and troops in the East is also re-
marked with some uneasiness. The ﬂeet in the Chinese seas is
already very strong, and there is a French army in Cochin Chi-
na. We hear of 10,000 men coming round the Cape, of course
with more men of war, to take part in the war against China ;
and when to these facts we add the presence in the Isle de Bour-
bon of a garrison consisting of thousands, instead ‘of the proper
peace establishment of hundreds of soldiers, it is not strange
that we feel somewhat uncomfortable. The Home Government
evidently contemplates the possibility of Bombay being attack-
ed at some time within the next seven years, for it has instruct-
ed Lord Elphinstone to fortify the harbour in a leisurely and
economical manner.” ‘

Tun Dublin Nation has somewhat of a hard task imposed upon
it—to show that the people of lreland are not loyal to British
rule and keep in the good graces of the Bishops, while some of
the priests and Bishops are making verbal and written declara-
tions of attachment to her Majesty’s rule, crown and govern-
ment in Ireland. Everybody knows that Ireland is not loyal,
nor has no right to be anything of the kind; however, it is dan
gerous to contradict such authority, and the Nation mut set
about it in a very cautious and adroit fashion. The editor thus
approaches his subject in the issue of the 21st of J anuary:—

“We have ere now referred to the fact that much of the wri-
ting on Irish affairs, which has lately appeared in the English
papers. would seem to have for its object to extract from timor-
ous Irish F‘-atholics such protestations and declarations as would
humiliate them, and make them appear at once insincere and
ridiculous. The plan has been but too successful. Every
charge made against the Irish Catholics who met to sympathize
with the Pope was certainly.followed——to the intense amuse-
mei«,,,,)t' the Englishmen. we have no doubt—by denials, expla-
nations, and qualiﬁcations from speakers at the succeeding
. meetings. From what has alr:-ady occurred, it seems not at all
l improbable that, if the Times, on the eve of some Catholic meet-
ing, called out ‘Who stole a horse?’ and insinuated that Irish
Catholics were much addicted to theft of that description, we
would have next day from the platform an elaborate repudia-
tion of the charge, and an argument that, inasmuch as Irish
Catholics for the most part travelled on foot, they were not the
, people to desire unlawful possession of the steeds of their neigh-
lbors. This game having been pretty well played out, we are
now being treated to a more direct and unmitigated style of
abuse. Leader after leader is coming, forth. loaded with the
vilest epithets the language can supply—stiff' with falsehood and
hot with hate—dirccted against a people who have never expe-
rienced from England anything but ill-will and injuries. The
following is the latest specimen to hand. It is from the Times
of Thursday :—

‘There are in this 19th century classes which represent what
the mass of mankind was in the dark ages. There is in every

Roman Catholic country in Europe the poor peasant who tills
the earth, but is as untaught as the beast he drives; whose reli-
‘ gion is but a superstition, as unreasoning and uninformed as an
African’s fetish worship; who has animal combativeness just as
a dog or a game cock has animal combativeness; and whose
voice and hand are at the command of the nearest master who

can arouse his simple instincts. This cross herd of untaught
human creatures is now made to give weight by their hoarse
chorus, to long tirades of frantic abuse which the priests are
pouring forth against the quiet progress of truth. They have
howled at every light which has risen upon the earth. Their
Pagan fathers howled at Christianity: they have howled at the
philosophy which taught them that the world revolved, they
have howled at education, they have howled at the Bible spread
open to the people, and now they are howling at freedom. It
is a noise, and nothing more: but when it comes loud and strong
it testiﬁes that some light is rising which their masters hate. It
is contemptihle to all our ‘udgments, and to none is it more con-
temptible than to those w o, scornfully denying the peasant's
right of private judgment, yet call these demonstrations forth.’

“This is for the clergy and people of Ireland to meditate upon.
These are the colors in which they are painted to the people of
England and of the world. The article from the same journal
on the letter of his Grace the Most Rev. Dr. Dixon, which, as
another specimen of English insolencc, we place before our
readers, also merits the attention of Irish Catholics. It would
appear to have been rather uncalled for, inasmuch as, although
his Grace used expressions of extraordinary severity—which we
would be sorry to think deserved—with reference to the Empe-
1-or Napoleon, yet he had on a previous occasion spoken in terms
of very high laudaf-Ion of Queen Victoria and the British Con-
stitution, ’ It is clear that no amount of loyal _protestation will
save 3, catholic clergyman from the scorn and insult of the Eng-
lish journals; and it is more than probable that a large amount
of such protestation only gives encouragement to those assail-
ants and intensity to their attacks.”

Now that’s your loyalty for you! Is it n0t"WOI‘th at least a
seven years’ famine?

The following discourse on Irish loyalty appears in the last
"Dublin Nation. We hope the Editor may escape the censure oi"

it which it might be useful for his grace to learn and imitate :

The Tablet is not at all satisﬁed of the loyalty of the writers of
the Nation. An astounding fact truly—a lamentable case
What shall we do to set at ease, on this subject, the ﬁne Eng.
lish heart of the English Editor of the London Tablet? What
in the name of common sense, does his Britannic Majesty the
Editor of the Tab’et require from us‘! Is it the Ko'ou~“’nine
kneelings and a knock ?f’ or is it an affirmation bf our faith in
the British Government, made with our left hand on our breast
and our right resting on the sixteen volumes of the Nation?
Let the Editor only tell us plainly how we can assure him of
our unswerving, unialtering, and never-to-be-shaken attachment
to the British throne, the glorious British Constitution, and all
the Glorious laws, principles, and institutions of great Britain-
let him, we say, show us how we may do this thing‘ and we pro.
mise him faithfully——that we shall be very far froni doing any-

- XlII.,

V’ at :-

But, perhaps the Nation newspaper in this matter does not re-
present the Irish nation. Perhaps the majority of the Irish peo-
ple are ready to declare that they are brimful of love for the
power that has robbed them of their nationality, and of their
lands, houses, and goods, and made them Wanderers over the
earth, hewers of wood and drawers of water in their own and
in other countries—that power which oppressed, persecuted,
and butchered their forefathers, and endeavored to exterminate
their race. Our belief is, that we represent no ideas foreign to
the Irish heart, and that, taking the Irish people collectively,
as a nation, such love may be said to have no existence. If it
had, indeed, we should be much puzzled to account for a fact so
utterly unnatural. .

The Tablet does not venture to say for itself that the Irish are
a people profoundly attached, or ever “ well affected,” towards

the government which has been forced upon them. Indeed. we _

have a distinct recollection thae, within a recent period, the
Tablet, as the result of its own experience, made a statement
with reference to the popular feeling-in Ireland, not at all in
harmony with the opinions which in its number of last Saturday
it parades and ﬂourishes with such an air of triumph. And as
the Tablet usually affects to be a very candid, outspoken journal,
we shall now venture to put to it the plain questions—Is the
opinion of the Tablet that the Irish people “have always been
dutiful subjects of the British Crown”-——that ‘°to none of her
'Majesty’s subjects do they yield in respect to her gracious per-
son and in obedience to her authority ”—that they “have ever
been and ever will be faithful subjects to her Majesty Queen
Victoria”—that “the history of the Irish people proves that
they ever were and ever will be faithful to her gracious Ma-
jesty”-—that “there is not in her Majesty’s wide-spread domin-
‘Otis a people to whom they will yield in the ir devoted attachment
to her person and throne”—that Catholic Ireland has ﬁve mil-
nillions of faithful and loyal subjects, ready to maintain with
their blood and lives if necssary their kingdom, and Queen
against foreign invasion”—and that her Majesty “has no more
loyal subjects than the Irish people.” We ask the Tablet to ans-
wer plainly, yes or no, does it believe that these assertions as re-
gards the Irish people rest on facts, or are, as we take them to
be, when made by Catholic clergymen, honest expressions of
mistaken opinions?

If the Tablet desires to convince us that we entertain wrong
ideas of the state of feeling amongst the people of Ireland with
reference to the English power, and that we entirely misappre-
ciate the teachings of Irish history, we shall frankly tell that
journal of a few difﬁculties, to which, if it would convince us of
our error, it will have to apply all the powers of explanation
and elucidation which it can command. We can do nothing
more fair and reasonable than this-—state our doubts and diffi-
culties at once, and tranqnilly await a solution of them.

We want to know, then, if the people of this country have al-
ways been dutiful subjects of the British Crown, yielding to
none in respect and obedience to its authority——how it happens
that a very recently made law, which duly passed the Houses of
Lords and Commons, and received the royal assent, and which
is generally known as the “ Ecclesiastical Titles Bill ” is utter-
ly disregarded in Ireland? _

We want to know, if the Iri-h people have always been duti-
ful subjects of the British Crown, how it happened that, con-
trary to British law, our forefathers harbored, sheltered, and
comforted Catholic Bishops and Priests when they were ordered
to leave this kingdom on pain of death; and how it happened
that Catholic Bishops and Priests did not leave this kingdom,
but sought and accepted such shelter.

We want to know, if we have always been obedient subjects
of the British Crown, how it happened that when it was made
felony on the part of a parent to cause his child to receive in-
struction in any branch of knowledge whatsoever from a Catho-
lic teacher. Irish parents did, nevertheless, in violation of the
law, contrive to have their children instructed by Catholic
teachers; and how it happened that when it was unlawful to
send a Catholic child to the Continent to receive education,
Catholic children were, nevertheless, sent there for that very

ur ose.

If) the Irish people have always been loyal and devoted sub-
jects of the British Crown, we want to know-how it happened
that they fought with arms in their hands against a long line of
British monarchs? We want to know was it dutiful obedience
they exhibited notably during the reign of Queen Elizabeth,
under the leadership of O’Neill and others; was what is usually
called the Desmond rebellion a dutiful and submissive proceed-
ing towards the English monarch; were the Irish people devot-
edly attached to James I. whi’e he was conﬁscating their lands,
and planting English and Scotch settlers thereupon; was the
“rising of 1641,” a demonstration of affection towards the Brit-
ish Crown; is it probable that the people of Ireland regarded
Oliver Cromwell with affection; was it the mere sentiment of
loyalty that induced them to take the part of ames II. against
the Prince of Orange; were the penal laws dutifully obeyed and
submitted to; were the Irish people remarkably well affected
towards the British Government in 1798 and thereabout; were
they deeply imbued with loyal sentiments in 1848; is it probable
that they have fallen in love with the rule of England at some
period between that date and 1860-—and if they have, in what
particular year and month, and what led to the change in their
feelings? 4 ,_

One thing must be confessed—--if the Irish people were at all
times loyal and devoted to the British Crown, they had an ex-
ceedingly curious way of exhibiting their attachment?

We may ask a few additional questions of the Tablet. Were
the efforts of St. Laurence O’Toole, Archbishop of Dublin, in
the reign of Henry II, directetl towards procuring obedience
and submission to that monarch, or had they exactly a contrary
object ?
to all who fought against the English government in Ireland‘?
ls not the following an extract from a Bull of Pope Gregory

addressed to the “Archbisliops, Bishops and other Pre-
lates, as also to the Catholic Princes, Earls, Barons, Clergy,
Nobles and the people of Ireland?” -

Archbishop Cullin, although there are some historical lessons in W’

thing of the sort.

“A few years ago we admonished you, through our letters,
‘_~en you took up arms to defend your liberties and rights,
under the leadership of James Geraldine, of happy memory, that
We Woujo ever be ready to assist you against those English
heretics who ha, is deserted the Holy Church of Rome. Praise-
worthy throughout 9111 time must his ‘exertions be in thus en-
doovoriog to oast off‘ too hard yoke which the English have im-
osed u on on.” , _ _ _

I) These‘? as }we learn, are the .“V°'l'd3,°f 9' P°l’ev ""ttell "l_lll9
year 1580, and called forth by the‘ °‘rg";£15:9;?ce9b°§ th3'ttlll3]9-
Those words. those circumstances, 2?“ 3 "me 9 093 0 9
istory of Ireland‘. and cannot be ignoi.‘°‘d; They Seem l0 11S to
ove very clearly that there was a period _, _
were not dutiful and submissive to the L.'“l5ll Crown, and
when it would have been culpable to be so. .5335! We learn
that the same holy Pope rendered material assis‘la‘nc’e to the
gtgggdoutotof : yzavgltigfadexpeditiqn destinféill gr tlio sji-ortos of
,n ,a appear 0 us, wi e o ec o .
forcing submission to British authority. We also learn ffﬁllll
Irish history that another Pontiff sent his benediction to a cer-

In later times did not certain Popes grant indulgences ,

when Irish Catholics.