THE PHOENIX.

absurd. It is not, at all, in Colonel Corcoran’s
way. It, in no shape, affects him. Legally his
position is impregnable. Morally and patriot-
ically it is unassailable. He has done a noble
work and done it firmly. He has relieved the
regiment from responsibility, and he assumes it
all himself. The regiment will now sustain
him. So will his countrymen. So will the un-
biassed opinion of every right-minded man. His
regiment carries the green flag of their country.
That flag is forbidden in the fatherland as if it
‘were a scandal, a curse or a disgrace. It would
indeed be a disgrace if unfurled to honor the re-
presentative of the government, by which it has
been banned. Colonel Corcoran has done his
duty ; it remains for those who approve of his
«conduct to do theirs.
e—o-oo.oo<-i-——

Irish Renegades.

 

The following are the companies that- turned
out to pay homage to the representative of Bri-
tish royalty, and heir to the sceptre which has

so ruthlessly ruled their native land :—

FIRST REGIMENT or CAVALRY.

Jackson Horse Guards—Capt. Andrew Leary,
iiquor-dealer, 8th avenue ; Lieut. Pranty, liquor-
dealer, 3d avenue.

D Troop-—Lient. John Hagarty, saddler.
Denis C. Minton, who is commandant of this
troop, did not parade.

City Horse Guards—Capt. A. P. Green, liquor-
dealer.

SECOND RIGIMENT.

*' Capt. James Brady, carpenter ; Capt. Denis
§Decourcy, tailor ; Capt. P. D. Kelly, late Lieu-
tenant Colonel of the 9th, a Custom-House ofli-

-»-cial.

FOURTH ARTILLERY.

Lieut. O’Grady, liquor-dealer, Madison street.
-“Capt. MacMahon, lately retired, formerly com-
manded this company, which received Smith
«‘O’Brien on his arrival here. To what ignoble

._purpose it has now been turned i

Capt. Kennedy’s company, of the 2d Regi-
iment, voted unanimously against parading.

The Montgomery Guards refused to be counted
‘in with the Anglo-Saxon element ; and, with
the exception of six renegades, whose names we
-‘will publish next week, ‘did not parade.

' .944---——

;Three Turnspits in the 8th Regiment,

There is an old saying, that, if an Irishman
"were put upon a spit, another Irishman would be
‘found to turn it. It appears that the 8th Regi-
ment has furnished three unenviable characters
-of this kind. Because Mr. Horan, a member of
one of the companies of the 8th, presided at a
meeting of Irish citizen soldiers, who expressed
dissent from the action of General Sandford in
-ordering them out to pay homage to the Prince
of Wales, the company illegally expelled, him,
and made use of the following instruments for
conveying out their disgraceful action 1-

Mr. Fox, tailor, corner of 11th street and
Broadway ; William Brennan, plasterer and
politician, 16th street, near 8th avenue ;__ J.
McGolarick, 13th street, near 6th avenue.

We deem it our duty to place the names of
those men on record, that the British spy and
American royalists may know where to find
“thorough-paced flunkeyism. ‘

1.

"Visit of the Prince of Wales, and the
Irish People in America.

 

   

The appearance of Baron Renfrew, or even of

‘the Prince of Wales in our city, would have
-created no extraordinary excitement if measures
.-had not been previously taken to make the visit
of this boy a royal ovation. He is only a lad
"without personal distinction of any kind, and,
therefore, on his own account, could not have any
claim for such honors from a Republic which
pretends to be the ignorer of all the distinctions
of class and aristocracy that for so many years
-ground to the dust the people of the old world.

The “Wnxr is Ir” from Barnum’s Museum, if
paraded under the auspices of a military escort
with the renowned Major General Sandford at
their head, would bring out the whole popula-
tion of the city ; but when the British “What

is it,” has been so long advertised, and paraded
. in all the American newspapers, and the curiosi-
ty of the American women so greatly aroused
about this royal phenomenon, it is reasonable to
suppose there would be a great ~cr0Wd- There
was a great crowd—an idle, foolish, gaping,
uninterested crowd, who did _not on the Whole
length of Broadway send up one thrilling cheer.
There was a low murmur——a sickly attempt-
here, and there, where the spies of the British

[ government and the Irish Orangmen were placed

to get up a heart-felt hurrah, but it failed utterly.
There was no heart in the whole affair. How
could there, be unless all manly_feeling had de-
parted, and recollection of wrongs inflicted by

England were totally effaced ? This boy did us
no harm. Although his great grandfather’s
proclamation made George Washington a rebel,
and the scalps of American ladies were sold in
London the Royal L;-House of Hanover at five
dollars a head, still we would not fobject to the
reception, if he cordially recognized our system
of government as agreeing with the great fun-
damental principles of freedom ; but when we
know that he is opposed to republicanism,i be-
cause he must naturally feel hostile to a form
of government antagonistic to that which may
place him upon azthrone, it is then disgraceful
to republicanism in all its free institutions-
civic and military——to bow down before this
boy-prince.

If he had been the hero of the great victories
which wrung from his old tyrannical grandsire
the rights which Americans now boast of, the
oflicials and the press of America could not have
more exerted themoelves in his behalf. But Bri-
tish gold is abundant. The secret service mo-

ney which is wrung from the life blood of the
so-called free Briton, has been lavis hed _in New
York. For months have British agents been
paving the way for the reception of i the Prince.
Our civic officials have been warily and success-
fully approached. They lent themselves to the
game of royalty, which was to be played? upon
our republican boards; and the great democratic
“floggers,” of creation were to be duly exhib-
ited before the rest of mankind, as_the enraptured
worshippers of the representatives of old-world
royalty, which is one and indivisible all over
Europe. When the American sovereigns hurraed
for the Prince, they endorsed the cause of the
exhiled Bomba of Naples ; they put their seal
upon the acts of Austria’s despot——they pro-
nounced against Russia’s serfs, ignored the rights
of Hungary and Poland, and raised their unfet-
tered hands to threaten the manacled, but un-
conquered and struggling democrats of Europe.
The position of those dogs in office is not an en-
viable one, and Mayor,,Wood may yet find that
he has paid too dearly for his little, royal whistle.

This semi-royal visit was concocted in London.
It was arranged as a question of deep state
policy. The press here proclaims that America
and [England are united in the grand questions
of the day, that they are of the same race and reli-
gion, and proceeding in the same path of free-
dom and civilization, etc., This is all gammon

—a British lie, duly coined for the occasion, and,

uttered by the venal press of this continent.

The great question of the day, is one in which
England and her merchants feel an interest ; in
which the “ down-town” bosses who reside in
aristocratic Fifth avenue brown fronts, are vitally
interested. What is that great question of the
day which so exercises the Great Briton and his
understrappers all over. the commercial globe?

It is the approaching downfall of the old
piratical empire, whose rule is hated, and whose
oppression is felt from the Tweed to the
Ganges. '

England feels that she is now without any
reliably strong power in Europe to aid her, with
the exception of Prussia. She sees that an Eu-
ropean war is imminent, and she looks around
for allies. She sends the Heir Apparent out to
America to pick up recruits, as it were and enlist
American sympathy for the old freebooter, when
she shall make her last efibrt to keep her cotton-
spinners, and bloated aristocracy, lords para-
mount of the universe. It was desirable that
Europe should see that republican America was
on the side of England, and hence all this display
and all the flnnkeyism of the American press,
and all the exertions to secure a reception that
might show‘ to the European powers that the
United States went with England whatever
might betide. _

It was to counteract this British idea, and to
prove to the gtrue republicans of England, Ir_e-
land and Scotland, that there was an element in
this country which was not cottonized, and could
never cotton to the sham liberty of England,‘
that we opposed an ovation to the Prince of
Wales. The old lad in the White House, and
the cold-blooded schemers in Downing street, are
in perfect communion. They are anxious to
make it appear that in the coming crash, the
United States and England will march shoulder
toshoulder, and they have also tried to enlist the
Irish population on their side. Various subter-
fuges were tried here. The Irish military were
ordered out to do honor to_ do honor to the
Prince, and to abrogate their own manhood,
forgot that Ireland was one of the oppressed na-
tionalities of Europe, and proclaim, as it were,
to their brethren in the old land, that they had,
in this free Republic, atorned to British tyranny
in Ireland—forgotten the landlord evictions,
the red famine graves, the prophesied victories
and vengeance of the future. This thing could
not be done. The only thoroughly Irish Regi-
ment in the first division—the gallant and pa-

triotic 69th—woiild lay down their arms sooner
than give color to the picture designed for Eu-
ropean exhibition.

It has been said by some slavish sycophants
who are anxious to cloak their own infamous
action in the case, that it was well to turn out
and show their strength. Now the whole affair
was English from beginning to end. The news-
papers here have been proclaiming it as such,
and designating those who turned out as mere
offshoots from the great Anglo-Saxon stock.

The question then arose, Should Irishmen per-
mit themselves to be thus paraded before the
future King of England, giving condonation
for the wrongs inflicted upon their country by
his race and nation. It was not a question of
mere turning out to swell the royal pageant,
but whether they were to allow themselves to
be absorbed in the English element, which is
rapidly increasing in this city, and constantly
sapping the very foundations of the Union—
they were to be exhibited as the descendants of
the “blue lights” of New England, or remain
Irish in heart and hand, and ardent haters of the
rule which has degraded and desolated their na-
tive land. N o Irishman could have marched
past that monument in the old churchyard in
Broadway, under which rest the ashes of the
exiled patriot of ’9 8, whose name stirs the blood
in every vein, without a thrill of vengeance in his
heart or the blush of shame upon his brow.

To the Irishmen who refused to be made the
tools of England, in this connection, be all honor
given l and to the willing flunkeys who paraded
in honor of the representative of a government
which has made them despised outcasts here,
eternal infamy l and on their brows be the brand
of slave and traitor ever marked l .

4.»
The Approaching End of Kings and
Kingcraft.

OUR IRISH LETTER.

   

COUNTY Coax, Ireland, Sept. 14, 1860.

As Europe beholds without astonishment the onward
march of revolution, king-craft concedes what, a hundred
years ago, ’twere death to suggest. The political aspect
of the present hour points to a future into which the.
most deep-thinking diplomatist will not venture to peer
for what may appear quite settled to-day may be in cos :
fusion to-morrow. On the stability of existing inst itu-
tions, none will venture to speculate: change is an insti-
tution of the age, and it will come. Kings are found to
be mere flesh and blood, and the fleeing of one from a
patrimony to which age had rendered an impress of uni-
versality, is considered in the light of a commonplace
occurrence. In the unity of the people lies the only
real strength after all, and their suffrages now count for
something in the destinies of nations. Who may not say
that, fifty years hence, Europe may uot behold itself
composed of one vast confederacy of republics—Russia,
perhaps, excepted—-and that generations ‘of the millions
unborn may not talk of kings as we now do of monsters
of the antedeluvian age.

If, a few months ago, one was found to say that Gari-
baldi would, at this day, dictate from Naples to some
millions of people, whose champion he is, he would be
pronounced either a fool or a madman. Yet the thing is
real. In contemplating his situation, and the suddenness
with which the state of affairs in Southern Italy was
brought about, one is forcibly reminded of the great
French revolution, only that the latter has been effected
without much bloodshed. In this country it is hard to
learn the real tone of public opinion concerning the
Italian revolution. By some Garibaldi is pronounced a
fillibuster, or, if there can be anything worse; and the
success which has attended his liberating efforts in that
region is attributable to what is termed the diabolical
work of the secret societies. It is quite evident that the
papers which thus prate in the interest of what they pre-
tend to be humanity—but which, in reality, serve the
ends of a class—write for pay. N 0 one but a fool or a
knave will endeavor to indoctrinate those opinions into a
people who want education; but what gives the dissemi-

nation of principles so one-sided, and of arguments so’

fallacious, a knavish color, is the pretext alleged, that
the preachers preach from motives of lpatriotism. God
bless us! England wishes success to the revolution, and
as a consequence we ought, in opposition to that nation,
hope for a failure. England says it is day, therefore we
must pronounce it night.

Now, the question for us, is the war of the people
against kings——-of the democracy against the oligarchy—
and, by all means, if that cause can be advanced by the
secret societies, let them be used. How admirably they
have united the people in Italy, the events of to-day
have testified. The peasant in his cot, the courtier in
his palace, the artizan in his garret, and the soldier in
his camp, have one common bond of sympathy, common
aspirations, and common feelings for fatherland. Here
lies the secret of Garibaldi at Naples and Francis at
Gaeta. Three months more may bring a change as sud-
den, but time alone can tell where. Austria is in a
ricketty position—when emperors make concessions there
is strength in the people.

The Italian revolution teaches that though a people
may be quite ready to fight, they do not wish to do so on
their own hook; that they look more or less for some
external impulse. And if the Italians were not self-
reliant under the unremitting exertions of the Carbonari,
how much less can the Irish be, who have only com-
menced to learn that political leaders made speeches
only to bamboozle ;_ and when they combine togetther In
a community, holding common sentiments, have 0 opu-
tend not only against the_vast organized machinery o a
powerful state, but the stigmas of pretended friends. Gland
the anathemas of over-scrupulous ecclesiastics. W at

political freedom has to do with the religious feelings of
any man, or body of men, passes the comprehension of
your correspondent—for we find that the church accom-
modates itself to every form of government, from the ex-
tremest despotism to the freest republicanism.

Apropos thereof, a controversy between some of your
American correspondents strikes my eye, from one of
whom I must respectfully dissent. For the purposes of
achieving her independence, I consider that, though pro-
fessing that creed myself, Ireland is too Catholic: a vast
majority of the hierarchy of to-day are the most ardent
supporters of the present Imperial system. and conse-
quently are the aiders and abettors of a system of enor-
mous legalized plunder, and not only do not countenance
but actually oppose even the most constitutional mode
adopted to better our condition. Will it be believed that
in my own experience I have known the Catholic bishop
of a large diocese, in this part of the country, to issue his
u_kase that his priests discouutenance the obtaining of
signatures to the National Petition, now about being
signed, and that some of his clergymen, acting on his
mandate, have gone so far as to tear off the posters
placed on the pillars of the chapel gates, announcing its
nature. This is not a question about which we must be
squeamish. Nationality knows no creed; and when we
look for the independence of Ireland, we look for perfect
freedom for Catholic. Protestant and Dissenter, in unity
and equality of brotherhood, and not for any one section
in particular; and, therefore, the discussion of a religious
question in connection with our nationality, is altogether
extraneous matter. Why such terror about the indepen-
dence of the church, as if Christ intended to prop up his
religion by the sword; why so apprehensive of danger,
unless to doubt the promises which He made.

It was under feelings akin to this that volunteers flocked
to Rome from this country. ’Twere a pity they were not
reserved for a better cause! But we have been told that
they went to support the cause of legitimacy and order.
What are legitimacy and order but usurpation and the
legislation of the usurper? Universality of freedom, in
the broadestsense, for all people, without distinction of
clinic, race or religion, should be embraced in our political
programme ; and professing such doctrine, avowedly
hostile to the sway of kings, we can but naturally give
to Garibaldi, setting aside the admiration with which the
acts of a humane man and a brave soldier are viewed,
our modicum of praise in his endeavors to undermine the
system that'has been gnawing the very vitals of the peo-
ple. How true these facts are, finds a corroboration in
the acts of the Sardinian king, who sends his army to
Naples under the pretext of maintaining order, prevent-
ing anarchy, and suppressing the republican schemes of
the Mazzinian party. The meaning of this cant may be
better understood if we consider that his Sardinian Maj-

- esty is afraid the republic may be proclaimed in the| Two

Sicilies, and that the malady may be extended to his do-
minions, and thereby, notwithstanding that he is a consti-
tutional puppet, endangers his own throne. Future events
will alone unravel the knot. Evidently kings are very
strong yet.

There is, perhaps, in all these complications, for Ireland,
a hope, if her own sons be true to her. With the Two
Sicilies revolutionized, with insurrection in the Papal
States, and the probability of a like event soon in Hun-
gary—Kossuth, Klapta and men of that ilk are in, Turin;
with war all but declared een Sardinia and Austria;
with new combinations ’ een the latter and Russia, no
doubt, with a view to play a like game as in the days of

‘ Georgey in ’49, should the Magyars prove turbulent;

with the Dalmatian and Servian provinces claiming back
“their own again,” meaning their selfish independence;
with our arch-enemy watching France with all the fe-
rocity of a tigress robbed of her cubs ; and with the
torch of war kindl-7d in the Moslem territory—some pick-

. ings will be reserved for us, unless we are the most cow-

ardly nation in all creation, substantiating the assertion
of Voltaire, that we fight well everywhere but in our own
country. The National Petition, though a beggarly pro-
ceeding in itself, is a step in the right direction. A ma-
jority of the fighting material of the land have already
subscribed to it, while it is now only in its vigor, and as
when an united people clamor ‘for concessions which are
refused them--as the prayer of the petition will most
certainly be--they generally fight like bricks for them,
the disaffected ones in Ireland, who love nothing better
than a bit of a shindy, pre-suppose the suppliants will
have the pluck to do likewise. People don’t often lfight
for a whim, and there are many broad acres in the land
which could be used to better purpose than that to which
they are at present ; in fact, quite enough to satisfy the
wants of the remnant at home, and to share with those
not in afliuence abroad, who will assist in the fight for
them.

Supposing, then, that the National Petition—about
which there is this healthy aspect, that it is the work of
the people spontaneously, unconnected with the name of
any political huckster—-should prove a failure, it is natu-
ral, unless they should prove cowards as aforesaid, that
they will look to weapons other than goose-quills to
make known their wants. The events to which I have
alluded, in connection with the inherent love for fighting
we proverbially have, the knowledge that England can-
not any longer hide our miseries “ under a bushel” from
the penetrating writers of continental countries (whose
sympathies in any future struggle we certainly would
have), and that there are thousands of our kindred in
America ready to lend a helping hand with the sinews
of war in men and money, may accelerate the crisis.
England and France may fall out any.day ; England may
join in a coalition, or in fact throw off the mask alto-
gether, and go direct against the revolution; her Arm-
strong guns, her natural defences, her naval expenditure
and her dandified volunteers—at best but mere holiday
soldiers-—mean more than an exhibition ; but talk of the
opportunity as you will, never was it nearer Ireland than
at this hour-—and the sooner it comes, the better. If the
concussion should come from abroad, any day hencefor-
ward may see Ireland at her barbarous work of killing
her garrison, so say the rawheads of my acquaintance—-
an intention which I verily believe they would carry into
effect with sharp appetite, and which, being your corres-
pondent, although indifferent material to make a soldier
of, I find it my solemn duty to record. As to my private
opinions on the feasibility and righteousness of accom-
plishing so murderous an intention, it is immaterial. No
one but the Right Honorable the Attorney General for
Ireland is conversant with them. ‘

But it seems to me there exists a misunderstanding
between you in America and those behind who look for
like events-—a mistake which must prove a. serious draw-
back in the advancement of the revolutionary cause
in Ireland. You believe we are not serious in our in-
tention of fighting; we suppose you are not in earnest
in your intention of support. This is an evil. No doubt
you will exclaim, “ Why should we make sacrifices for a
beggarly lot who won’t have the manliness to make a
fight for themstlves ?” But remember what were the
feelings of every one of you when you were amongst us.
Confidence in each oth is a necessary accessory of suc-
cess; union, to preven success from being protracted.
Can we not even now make an effort to be both, for the
times are big with the fate of nations.

Not having any confidence in the postal de artment of
the state, I write in the anticipation of this etter being
Grahamized. Ur Mun.